AUSTRIA. 
  
  
Antoinette, and her husband, Louis XVT.,1led Leopold 
to an alliance with Prussia; but he died (March 1, 
1792) before the war with France broke out. The 
war was declared by France on his son Franz I, the 
same year (see FRANCE). By the treaty of Campo 
Formio (q.v.), 1797, A. lost Lombardy and the Nether- 
lands, receiving in lieu the Venetian territory; two 
years later, at the second partition of Poland, it was 
augmented by West Galicia. Franz, in alliance with 
Russia, renewed the war with France in 1799, which 
was ended by the peace of Luneville. It is needless 
to follow all the alterations of boundary that the 
Austrian dominions underwent during these wars. 
The most serious was at the peace of Vienna (1809), 
which™ cost A. 42,000 square miles of territory, and 
11 million florins of her revenue. It wasin 1804, when 
Napoleon had been proclaimed Emperor of France, 
that Franz declared himself hereditary Emperor of 
Austria, uniting all his dominions in one empire. 
On the establishment of the Confederation of the 
hine, he laid down the dignity of German emperor, 
which his family had held for nearly five hundred 
years, and now took the title of Franz I, Emperor 
of Austria. 
The humiliating peace of Vienna was followed 
(1809) by the marriage of Napoleon with the Arch- 
duchess Maria Louisa; and in March 1812, Napoleon 
and Franz entered into alliance against Russia. Bub 
when the Russian campaign of 1812 had broken 
the power of the French emperor, his father-in-law 
declared war on him (August 1813), and joined the 
alliance of England, Russia, Prussia, and Sweden. 
The active part which the Emperor Franz now took 
in the downfall of Napoleon, his consenting to the 
banishment of his son-in-law to Elba, and the 
firmness with which he signed the declaration of 
outlawry against him on his return to France, and 
contributed to his final overthrow, thus deciding the 
fortunes of his own daughter and her son—all 
furnished grounds of claim to that full indemnity for 
her losses which A. obtained at the close of the 
war. In the remodelling of the map of Europe that 
took place at the Congress of Vienna (1815), 32,000 
square miles were added to the 253,000 possessed by 
A. after the last partition of Poland, besides the 
advantages she gained in point of compactness, and 
facilities for trade, especially by the acquisition of 
Venice and Dalmatia. Ferdinand, the emperor’s 
uncle, was also restored to the grand duchy of 
Tuscany, of which he had been dispossessed by 
Napoleon. 
Since that time, A. has exerted a powerful influ- 
ence in European politics generally, and more 
especially in the German Confederation; and that 
influence has been uniformly hostile to constitution- 
alism (see MErTErNICH). When the Polish revolu- 
tion broke out, a strict neutrality was assumed ; but 
a Polish corps that was driven into the Awustrian 
territories, was disarmed, and sent into Hungary, 
while a Russian division that had taken refuge on 
Austrian soil, was let go, and equipped with the 
Polish weapons. 
The death of Franz I. (March 2, 1832) made little 
alteration in the policy of A.; Ferdinand I. trod in 
his father’s footsteps. The political alliance with 
Russia and Prussia was drawn closer by a personal 
conference of the emperor with Nicolas I. and 
Frederic William III. at Teplitz, October 1833. 
The wonted calm was interrupted in 1840 by the 
war against ITbrahim Pacha in Syria, in which A. 
took part in union with England. An attempt at 
insurrection in Italy in 1844 was a complete failure. 
But under this long-continued peace and super- 
ficial calm, the internal condition of the empire was 
coming to a crisis. The stifling bureaucratic system 
of govirnment and police supervision, had produced 
only irritation and discontent, and was powerless to 
compress the fermentation. The opposition in the 
several nationalities became stronger and stronger, 
and the tactics of playing these nationalities off 
against one another, no longer succeeded. The 
Polish insurrection, which led to the incorporation 
of Cracow with the monarchy (November 1846), had 
turned into a frightful rising of the peasantry in 
Galicia against the nobles. This enabled the govern- 
ment to overpower the political rising; but the 
success only increased the danger of the crisis, by 
encouraging it to proceed in the old reckless way. 
In the meantime the opposition to Austrian rule in 
Ttaly, Hungary, and Bohemia, was becoming uncon- 
trollable, and even the states of Lower Austria 
insisted on some control in the management of the 
state. The revolutionary movement was already in 
full swing in Ttaly, when the fall of Louis-Philippe 
(February 24, 1848) shook Europe to its foundations. 
A host of petitions and addresses was followed, 
March 13, by a popular movement in Vienna, to 
which the government and military, after a feeble 
resistance, succumbed. Metternich resigned, the 
arming of the citizens and freedom of the press were 
granted, and the emperor promised to convoke a 
consultative assembly from all parts of the empire. 
At the same time, the opposition in Hungary had 
carried their demand for an independent ministry 
responsible to the national diet, and the emperor 
was not in a position to withstand it. The 22d of 
March saw the insurrection break out at Milan, and 
Radetzky, the military commander, forced to retire 
on Verona. Venice rose at the same time, and 
drove out the Austrians. 
While the revolution was thus victorious in the 
provinces, the central authority was in a state of 
dissolution. The authority passed into the hands of 
the national guards and the students’ legion (the 
Aula). A rising of the people (May 15), in support 
of the Central Committee, formed from the national 
guards, which the government had attempted to 
dissolve, compelled its continuance, and also a 
revision of the electoral law, so as to convert the 
new diet into a constituent assembly. These pro- 
ceedings led to the flight of the court to Innsbruck 
(May 17). An unsuccessful attempt of the govern- 
ment to break the power of the ¢ Aula,’ resulted in 
the appointment of a Committee of Safety, to whose 
influence the government had to submit. A Slavic 
insurrection broke out in Prague after Easter, which 
was repressed with bloody severity by Prince 
Windischgriitz. While the emperor was thus linger- 
ing at Innsbruck, leaving Vienna in the power of 
the populace, and the Hungarians were pursuing an 
independent course, it was in Italy that the power 
of A. began to recover itself. 
Radetzky had at first been reduced to the main- 
taining of a defensive position at Verona, against 
Charles Albert of Sardinia, who had declared war 
on A. at the outbreak of the revolution, and the 
forces that came to his aid from Tuscany, Rome, 
and Naples; and the foreign policy of A. was in 
such a state of discouragement, that negotiations 
were entered into under the mediation of Great 
Britain, offering the Lombards independence on 
moderate conditions. But in June, Radetzky took 
up the offensive, reduced in succession Vicenza, 
Padua, and other cities, and then turning against 
the chief Sardinian force, defeated it at Custozza 
(25th July), and drove it from the field. The fruits 
of the victory were the dissolution of Charles 
Albert’s army, and a truce which again delivered 
Lombardy to Austria. 
In the meantime, the government at Vienna was 
more powerless than ever. The emperor remained 
  
at Innsbruck, and the constituent diet was opened, 
  
  
  
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