The International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences. Voi. XXXVII. Part B4. Beijing 2008
and the emergence of polities or regional centres have often be
highlighted (Ladefoged and Pearson 2000).
Random distribution have usually been treated as statistical null
hypothesis, though some commentators provide good examples
of how apparently random distributions can be conditioned by
less-obvious environmental, biological and social variables (see
Daniel 2001; Woodman 2000; Maschner and Stein 1995)
Today, a high degree of interconnections between
environmental factors and archaeological site distribution
patterns is the assumption of serious researches in archaeology
(see Ebert and Kohler 1988, Veth et al. 2000, Niknami and
Saeedi 2006 for some of the issues).
Findings of such researches show the importance of the effect of
environmental variables on the kind of activities of
archaeological community. However, other tendencies, which
have been established, show that although environmental factors
play an influential role in some processes, they can not explain
every change of archaeological place (for an example see
Gaffney and Leusen 1995).
It is true that environmental factor have easily found their way
into today’s systems (GIS) to play a practical part in the
description of spatial models, but the role of non-environmental
factors shouldn’t be overlooked (Whitley 2000). It seems that if
these kinds of factors were to be evaluated independently, the
main differences in the models which have been provided so far
would be possible.
The present research directly examined numerous site
settlement patterns from different cultural periods in the eastern
region of Urmia Lake. Also it independently evaluated a set of
political, environmental, and economical systems which existed
in the regional scale. Despite the special features of each system,
they had some relationships in common. As a general rule, most
of the data discovered in the field study can be used to predict
their places in a yet to be identified areas. By accepting this
theory and by studying surface spatial distribution which we
employed in this research, it is possible to evaluate the
behaviors which give rise to the regional organizational patterns
in the landscape scale.
The geographical features of the area in the east of Urmia Lake
have two parts that are entirely different from each other. These
parts include a flat alluvial area which was irrigated from
several permanent rivers and a network of seasonal rivers. By
contrast, the other part includes high areas which extend across
from northeast, centre, and southeast of the area.
The geography of the environment is such that we can infer that
the high areas could have affected the free movement of the
people in the past and therefore, the movement of the people
naturally followed the natural course of the rivers. Plant features
of the area coupled with abundance of water sources made for a
relative density of population. This shows that even though still
there are not valid sources of archaeological records in the area,
it can be surmised that historical population movement within
this area might have been related to socio-economical and
political factors more than environmental. It is self-evident that
inevitable environmental factors are inextricably intertwined
with socio-political factors in terms of their effect on forming
site dispersion structures (Gaffney and Van Leusen 1995: 375).
man-made cultural behaviors which human exhibit in trying to
adapt to the environment. As an example, settlement patterns in
the region show that most sites by Urmia Lake and along a wide
range of connecting roads were formed in pre-history. The close
proximity of the sites and their assembling in areas where there
might be fresh water show distribution patterns in which the
possibility of having economic relations among them, is not
ruled out.
Thus, it can be said that despite the potentialities and limitations
of the environment, modes of living and economy might have
had irrefutable role. At the same time, sites of later periods
dispersed mostly in areas away from the coasts of the lake and
areas with average heights. It appears that in this period, the
increase in water control management together with
optimization of food production systems made it possible to
benefit from sources away from the lake. In addition, a streak of
Salina around Talkhe Roud river still has not been able to attract
inhabitation at any time. Another crucial and relevant point here
is that the accumulation of clustering settlement in this area
have occurred in places with potentiality for subsistence,
technological development in terms of securing sources for a
reasonable population. Alluvial landscape around the lake
secure arable areas for agriculture. Suitable mineral soil-centers
that are almost close to each other-have brought about pottery
production and processing. Besides sites such as Darvish
Baghal, Yanik Tepe, Hasanlu, Sis and Kozeh Konan where this
kind of economic relationship can be clearly seen, there are
patterns with similar subsistence relationship which can be seen
in the rest of the sites.
Water source system follows a linear pattern in the east of
Urmia Lake. For a better understanding of the relationship of
settlement distribution patterns and water resources, we
produced layers using GIS where the proximity of sites to water
resources was taken into account. Besides securing access to
water resources, linear distribution of water resources also made
it possible for sites to connect. In addition, there is a strong
tendency of archaeological sites here where the bigger places
more than smaller ones tend to get distributed close to water
resources. Distance estimation along with site distribution
pattern is another important issue to be considered.
Figure 2. Proximity measurements of archaeological sites from
the water resources and possible ancient road networks
As Gaffney and Van Leusen have shown, it is very difficult to
see any difference between environment-derived behaviors and
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