distributions. Consequently, they provide supporting evidence of the 
utility of photographic information in urban social analysise 
Another phase of the Birmingham study concerned land use charac- 
teristics,  Eighteen census tracts were classified as either "primarily 
residential" or "primarily industrial", a description readily accomplished 
by photo interpretatione Analyses of social data for these areas demon- 
strated that this simple grouping by major land use provided a key to the 
locations of two distinctly different types of social environment within 
the city. The primarily industrial subareas have much higher rates of 
social disorganization, and over twice as much within dwelling-unit 
crowding as primarily residential areas, In terms of occupational status, 
there were proportionately over five times as many laborers and operatives 
residing in the industrial subareas, and nearly three times as many 
professional and technical workers in the primarily residential subarease 
While these findings are not contrary to expectation, they do show that 
even relatively gross "photo data" categories such as these are correlated 
with several social data categories. 
Similar evidence of the socio-physical nexus was found in the 
analysis of the third physical data item. Consistent correlations were 
found between prevalence of single-family homes and ten social data 
categories, These variables, relating directly to the socio-economic 
status rankings of urban subareas, included occupational status breakdowns 
such as managerial versus labor groups, income, educational achievement, 
foreign-born whites, non-whites, crowding within dwellings, and rental 
values. In Birmingham, Alabama, residential subareas were grouped in 
classes of "high" and "low! prevalence of single-family homes. These two 
contrasting types of "natural areas" were then analyzed in terms of 
residence locations of four occupational status groups. In the high 
prevalence class the percentages of managerial and professional residents 
were well over twice as great as in the low prevalence subarease On the 
opposite end of the occupational status scale, the proportion of laborers 
living in the low prevalence subareas was three times as great as in areas 
of high prevalence of single-family homes, Thus, such photographic in- 
formation indicates that social distance on the occupational scale is 
reflected in an ecological pattern segregating high and low status groups 
at each end of the residential desirability continuumo 
Also in Birmingham, an analysis of social disorganization în areas 
of high and low prevalence of single-family homes was undertaken,  Strikiiy 
and statistically significant differences were found. Both adult crime 
and juvenile delinquency rates were four times as great in the low pre- 
valence subareas as in neighborhoods having high proportions of single- 
family homes. Such relationships, describing spatial distributions of 
deviant behavior, define an important point of linkage between physical 
structure and social dynamics of the urban environment 
Analysis of the fourth photographic information item, dwelling- 
unit density, revealed similar socio-physical relationships in several